“I Don’t See Color”: How Colorblindness Reinforces White Supremacy
by Lindsey Dopheide, MA, DTLLP and Samantha Atkins
Have you ever been talking about race and heard someone say, “I don’t see color”? It’s a phrase that’s often used to signal fairness or equality, and the person using it is probably trying to say that they treat everyone the same, no matter what. But research shows that not only is this idea untrue, maintaining and perpetuating it can cause real harm.
In this post, we turn to our therapist Lindsey Dopheide (MA, DTLLP), whose doctoral research through Western Michigan University examines what’s known as colorblind racial ideology—a way of thinking about race that, despite being well-intentioned on the surface, reinforces systems of White supremacy.
What Is Racial Socialization?
Let’s start with a key concept: racial socialization. This refers to the way families, schools, and communities teach children about race—about cultural identity, stereotypes, discrimination, and what it means to belong (or not) in a society shaped by racial hierarchy (Hughes et al., 2006).
Research shows that families of color, especially Black families, tend to take an intentional and active role in this process. Parents talk to their kids about their cultural heritage, prepare them for the reality of discrimination, and help them navigate a world where race does matter (Hamm, 2001).
White families, on the other hand, often do the opposite. Many White parents avoid talking about race altogether. They lean on the idea that “everyone is equal” and assume that treating kids “the same” is enough (Hughes et al., 2006). This, Lindsey notes, is where colorblind racial ideology comes in—and why it’s so dangerous.
What Is Colorblind Racial Ideology?
Colorblind racial ideology (CBRI) is the belief that ignoring race will help end racism. It typically shows up in two forms:
- Color-evasion: Saying things like “I don’t see color” or “we’re all the same.” This might sound positive, but it actually erases the real and lived experiences of people of color. It also makes it harder for White people to talk about race honestly, often leading to discomfort, avoidance, and microaggressions.
- Power-evasion: Denying that racism or White privilege affect people’s lives. This includes ideas like “reverse racism,” the belief that society is already fair, and resistance to acknowledging systemic inequality (Neville et al., 2013).
CBRI tells White people—and especially White kids—that race doesn’t matter. But in a society where race has always mattered, pretending not to see it doesn’t eliminate racism. It just makes it harder to name, challenge, and change (Sue, 2013).
How Colorblindness Shows Up in Families and Schools
Many White parents believe that if they don’t talk about race, their kids will grow up to be unbiased. But silence sends its own message. When children hear their parents shush them for pointing out someone’s skin color, or when they notice racial patterns (like who lives where or who their mom locks the car door around) without explanation, they do start putting the pieces together—without the language or guidance to understand what they’re seeing (Vittrup, 2018).
The result? Kids absorb racial messages anyway—from stereotypes, media, and silence. And they grow up without the tools to talk about race or challenge racial injustice.
In schools, this plays out in powerful ways. Research shows that White teachers often adopt colorblind approaches in the classroom. They may believe they’re treating all students “the same,” but this assumption ignores the reality that students of color are often treated differently (Gay, 2015).Without acknowledging race, teachers are less likely to notice or address racial disparities—and White students are less likely to recognize their own privilege or become agents of change (Hazelbaker & Mistry, 2021).
What Can We Do?
Dismantling colorblindness starts with acknowledging that race does matter—and that talking about it is essential, not harmful. Saleem and Byrd (2021) describe two important alternatives: cultural competence and critical consciousness socialization.
- Lindsey defines cultural competence as “knowledge of other cultures” and “comfort with cross-cultural relationships” (Dopheide, 2024). In schools, this can be practiced through creating opportunities for all children to learn about different cultural traditions and practices—for example, school-wide lessons about Ramadan, Lunar New Year, or Kwanzaa.
- Critical consciousness socialization is defined as “the awareness of racial injustice as well as the ability to address power and privilege differences between racial groups” (Dopheide, 2024). Encouraging students to explore how history (like slavery, segregation, and immigration policy) still shapes society today. These conversations help kids understand power and inequality—and see their role in changing the future.
Final Thoughts
In her dissertation, Lindsey writes, “Through the empowerment of a new generation, the creation of a more equitable society is possible, but only if people are knowledgeable about the insidious nature of White supremacy and how a CBRI perpetuates [it]” (Dopheide, 2024). One way to deepen that knowledge is through self-reflection. Our adapted version of the Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale (COBRAS) is linked here. Your score can help you identify strengths in your anti-racism journey and highlight areas where further growth is possible.
The work of empowering a new generation starts at home, in schools, and in the stories we tell our children. If you’re a parent, teacher, or community member, take some time to reflect: What messages did you receive about race growing up? What are you passing on? And how might you begin to replace silence or colorblindness with curiosity, honesty, and hope?
References
Dopheide, L. P. (2024). A quantitative exploration of public school teachers’ colorblind racial attitudes and their teaching practices (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Western Michigan University.
Gay, G. (2015). The what, why, and how of culturally responsive teaching: International mandates, challenges, and opportunities. Multicultural Education Review, 7(3), 123–139. https://doi.org/10.1080/2005615X.2015.1072079
Hamm, J. V. (2001). Barriers and bridges to positive cross-ethnic relations: African American and White parent socialization beliefs and practices. Youth and Society, 33(1), 62–98. https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X01033001003
Hazelbaker, T., & Mistry, R. S. (2021). “Being colorblind is one of the worst things”: White teachers’ attitudes and ethnic‐racial socialization in a rural elementary school. Journal of Social Issues, 77(4), 1126–1148. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12489
Hughes, D., Rodriguez, J., Smith, E. P., Johnson, D. J., Stevenson, H. C., & Spicer, P. (2006). Parents’ ethnic-racial socialization practices: A review of research and directions for future study. Developmental Psychology, 42(5), 747–770. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.42.5.747
Neville, H. A., Awad, G. H., Brooks, J. E., Flores, M. P., & Bluemel, J. (2013). Color-blind racial ideology theory, training, and measurement implications in psychology. American Psychologist, 68(6), 455–466. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033282
Saleem, & Byrd, C. M. (2021). Unpacking school ethnic‐racial socialization: A new conceptual model. Journal of Social Issues, 77(4), 1106–1125. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12498
Sue, D. W. (2013). Race talk and the conspiracy of silence: Understanding and facilitating difficult dialogues on race. John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Vittrup, B. (2018). Color blind or color conscious? White American mothers’ approaches to racial socialization. Journal of Family Issues, 39(3), 668–692. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X16676858
